Le philosophe canadien Charles Taylor est un des penseurs contemporains qui jouit d’une reconnaissance mondiale : il a initié et participé à plusieurs débats relatifs au libéralisme, au communautarisme et au multiculturalisme. Son œuvre est pluridimensionnelle puisque ses travaux portant, entre autres, sur la théorie de science, la théorie du langage, la théorie de l’action et de la personne, la théorie de la modernité.La pensée de Charles Taylor s’est élaborée non seulement en se nourrissant des traditions aussi bien phénoménologique qu’analytique, (...) mais, très concrètement, en prise directe avec les problèmes soulevés dans la société canadienne par la très grande diversité des immigrations. Sa pensée mérite d’autant plus à être méditée que les tentations de repli communautaire, si ce n’est de purification ethnique, semblent aujourd’hui croissantes. Les contributions – pour moitié en anglais – de ce colloque organisé à Budapest en 2012 en l’honneur et en présence de Charles Taylor invitent au contraire à interroger et à poursuivre son analyse des conditions qui permettraient l’avènement d’un monde véritablement pluriel. (shrink)

We have measured the change of lung mechanical parameters on isolated rabbit lungs exposed to chlorine gas (Cl{in2}). Experimental results show parallel increase in elastance and resistance of impaired lungs. We tried to determine whether this may be explained by a reduction of the ventilated areas in the lung, consecutive to closure of some airways. We have then tried to simulate these experimental results by studying the effects of various airways occlusions imposed on two concurrent models (symmetrical and dissymmetrical) of (...) the tracheo-bronchial tree. For each model, we successively evaluated the resistance of the normal lung, simulated a partial peripheral airways occlusion and estimated the induced changes in total resistance. Analytical expressions of the "occluded lung" elastance and resistance have been found for the symmetrical model but not for the dissymmetrical model (a graphical approach is proposed). With the symmetrical model, simulated results are comparable to experimental ones when the occlusion level is proximal. Whatever the dissymmetry level (δ) of the fractal tree model, we could not simulate the expected increase in resistance with the observed increase in elastance. We conclude that either the occlusion is non homogeneous or the lung impairment is not only a reduction in ventilated areas. (shrink)

We introduce Boolean-like algebras of dimension n ($$n{\mathrm {BA}}$$ n BA s) having n constants $${{{\mathsf {e}}}}_1,\ldots,{{{\mathsf {e}}}}_n$$ e 1, …, e n, and an $$(n+1)$$ ( n + 1 ) -ary operation q (a “generalised if-then-else”) that induces a decomposition of the algebra into n factors through the so-called n-central elements. Varieties of $$n{\mathrm {BA}}$$ n BA s share many remarkable properties with the variety of Boolean algebras and with primal varieties. The $$n{\mathrm {BA}}$$ n BA s provide the (...) algebraic framework for generalising the classical propositional calculus to the case of n–perfectly symmetric–truth-values. Every finite-valued tabular logic can be embedded into such a n-valued propositional logic, $$n{\mathrm {CL}}$$ n CL, and this embedding preserves validity. We define a confluent and terminating first-order rewriting system for deciding validity in $$n{\mathrm {CL}}$$ n CL, and, via the embeddings, in all the finite tabular logics. (shrink)

In recent research, some of the present authors introduced the concept of an $n$-dimensional Boolean algebra and its corresponding propositional logic $n\textrm{CL}$, generalizing the Boolean propositional calculus to $n\geq 2$ perfectly symmetric truth values. This paper presents a sound and complete sequent calculus for $n\textrm{CL}$, named $n\textrm{LK}$. We provide two proofs of completeness: one syntactic and one semantic. The former implies as a corollary that $n\textrm{LK}$ enjoys the cut admissibility property. The latter relies on the generalization to the $n$-ary case (...) of the classical proof based on the Lindenbaum algebra of formulas and Boolean ultrafilters. (shrink)

Molla Hasan Peşevangî was born in the Kurukaya village of Tatvan district of Bitlis in 1920 and lived in a period of time when poverty and misery prevailed in the society. He was interested in science from an early age. Since the opportunities in the region he lived in were not suitable, in terms of schools and scholars, he went on many trips to complete his knowledge and took lessons from numerous scholars. He established scientific approval after a total (...) of 17 years of demanding journeys. Molla Hasan, who started to work as an imam in the villages after receiving his scientific approval, did most of his duty in the Güzelkonak village of the Gevaş district of Van, and this situation enabled him to be referred to as Peşevangi. Molla Hasan, who is known for being ascetic and taqwa, affiliated himself to Naqshbandi sheikh Sheikh Maşuk. After dedicating himself to 10 years of spiritual pathway, he acquired the caliphate license from his Sheikh. Molla Hasan and Bediüzzaman involved in mutual correspondence. The content of these letters largely consist of queries directed by Molla Hasan to Bediüzzaman regarding scientific issues. He worked as an imam for a total of 33 years in total and instructed numerous students. Additionally, Molla Hasan, who responded the scientific questions of the people of the region, became a popular figure in terms of science and morality. Molla Hasan took it upon himself to train students wherever he worked and toward the end passed away in Van in 1998. Molla Hasan, who has publications in the fields of Sufism, Arabic language and rhetoric, Fiqh, Kalam and Tafsir, left two caliphs after him. Besides being a sufi in the line of Ahl as-Sunnah, He was instrumental in the training of many scholars, particularly in his region. In this article, Molla Hasan's life, works and his mystical views will be discussed. (shrink)

Mevlânâ Celâleddin-i Rûmî’yi (öl. 1273) sevenler arasında, Abdurrahman Câmî’ye (öl. 1492) atfedilen Mevlânâ ve Mesnevî-i Şerîf’ini öven “Peygamber değildir ama kitabı vardır.” mazmunu ile meşhur olan bir beyit vardır. İran’da daha çok yaygın olan ve Câmî’nin beytiyle aynı anlamı taşıyan ve ilaveleri olan üç beytin ise, Bahâeddin Âmilî (öl. 1622) tarafından yazıldığı bilinmektedir. Bu beyitlerde Mesnevî’ye verilen “Farsça Kur’an” lakabı ve “bazılarını hidayete, bazılarını dalalete götüren” ibaresi dikkat çekmektedir. Bu beyitlerin içerikleri, Muhammed İkbal (öl. 1938) ve Muhammed Hüseyin Şehriyâr (öl. (...) 1988) gibi son asrın bazı büyük şairlerinin, Reynold Nicholson (öl. 1945) ve Annemarie Schimmel (öl. 2003) gibi müsteşrik yazarların eserlerinde de görünmektedir. Hz. Mevlânâ ise kendisini Kur’ân’ın kölesi ve Hz. Muhammed’in (s.a.v) yolunun toprağı olarak tanıtmış ve anılan beyitlerin ima edebileceği gibi hiçbir zaman peygamberlik iddiasında bulunmamıştır. Ârif şair Mesnevî’nin çeşitli yerlerinde Kur’ân’ın vasıflarını, emir ve nehiylerini, evrensel mesajlarını ve ayetlerin üzerinde tefekkür etmenin önemini serdetmiştir. Kur’ân’ı daha iyi ve doğru kavrayabilmek için neler yapılmalıdır açıklamış ve yöntemler sunmuştur. Kur’ân’daki bazı hikâyeleri tekrar anlatmış ve detaylandırarak şerh etmiştir. Hz. Peygamber efendimizin yüce makamını övmüş, başka peygamberlerin hikâyelerini, onlara gösterdiği saygıyla aktarmıştır. Hz. Mevlânâ ve Mesnevî-i Şerîf methiyesi olarak söylenen şiirlerdeki tanımlar, bir taraftan Mesnevî’nin dibacesinde Mevlânâ’nın kendi kaleminden çıkmış “Bu Mesnevî kitabıdır ve dinin asıllarının asıllarının asıllarıdır.” cümlesinden esinlenmiş olabilir. Mevlânâ bu mukaddimede eserini Kur’an sıfatlarıyla tavsif etmiş ve onun Allah tarafından korunduğunu söylemiştir. Mesnevî şârihi olan İsmail Ankaravî’nin, “Mesnevî Kur’ân ve Hadis tefsirlerinden meydana gelmiş mecmau’l-bahreyndir.” ifadesi de bu konuyu izah etmektedir. Mesnevî’de belirgin bir şekilde ayetlerin şerhi veya ayetlere yönelik telmihler geçmektedir. Toplam iki bin iki yüzü aşkın yerde ayetlere atıf mevcuttur. Bu da Mesnevî’nin Kur’ân’ın bir tür tefsiri olabileceğini işaret etmektedir. Başka bir açıdan bakıldığında, Mesnevî ile Kur’ân arasında çeşitli yazılış ve biçim benzerlikleri kurulabilmektedir. Mesnevî’nin de Kur’ân gibi bir emirle başlaması, bir ilham (vahiy) ürünü olması, başlangıcında tüm kitabın özetinin geçmesi, anlatım şeklinin genelde hikâye ve temsillerle olması, suretten manaya geçip anlaşılması için şerh ve tefsire ihtiyaç olması vb. birçok müşabih veçheleri vardır. Bu bakımlardan, Mesnevî peygamber olmayan biri tarafından Farsça Kur’ân’a benzetilmiştir denilebilir. Bu çalışmada önce bu nitelemenin çıkma ve kullanma serüveni takip edilecek, sonra Mevlânâ’nın Kur’ân hakkındaki görüşleri, Mesnevî’de Kur’ân’ın yeri, Kur’ân ve Mesnevî’nin ortak yönleri ele alınarak neden bu büyük şair ve yazarlar tarafından Mesnevî’ye Farsça Kur’ân denildiği açıklanmaya çalışılacaktır. (shrink)

Name der Zeitschrift: Nietzsche-Studien Jahrgang: 43 Heft: 1 Seiten: 189-191.

Bu makale, Adudüddin Îcî’nin Kitābü’l-Mevāḳıf adlı eserinde Seyfeddin Âmidî’ye hatalı bir şekilde isnat ettiği, kadîm eserin muhtâr fâile dayanabileceği görüşünü ele almaktadır. Îcî, kelâmcılar ile Meşşâî filozoflar arasında, mūcib bi’z-zāt tanrı düşüncesinin zorunlu olarak âlemin kıdemini, fâil-i muhtâr tanrı düşüncesinin ise zorunlu olarak âlemin hudûsunu gerektirdiği konusunda fikir birliği olduğunu iddia eder. Ancak Îcî, Âmidî’nin bu konuda aykırı bir görüş savunduğunu ve kadîm âlemin muhtâr bir Tanrı’ya dayanabileceğini ileri sürdüğünü belirtir. Makale, Îcî’nin bu iddiasının yanlış olduğunu, Âmidî’nin böyle bir görüş (...) savunmadığını ve fakat bu hatalı isnadın sonraki şerhlerde aktarıldığını göstermektedir. Îcî, Âmidî’nin kasıtla yaratmada eserin müessiri öncelemesinin zamansal değil, îcâb yoluyla yaratmadaki gibi zâtî öncelik tarzında olabileceğini düşündüğünü iddia etmektedir. Yaratıcı ile eser arasında zâtî öncelik-sonralık ilişkisi ise, kadîm bir eserin kasıtla yaratan bir müessirin eseri olabileceğini vurgulamaktadır. Âmidî’nin böyle bir görüşü savunup savunmadığını tespit etmek amacıyla, onun kasıtla yaratma ile îcâb yoluyla yaratma arasındaki temel farklardan biri olan, kastın vuku bulması için maksûdun yokluğunun şart olduğu ilkesini sürdürüp sürdürmediği soruşturuldu. Nitekim, maksûdun yokluğunun kastın bir şartı olduğu ilkesine göre, kasıtla yaratan bir fâilin kastettiği eserin, sadece zâtî değil, zamansal olarak da öncelik-sonralık ilişkisi içinde bulunması gerekir. Ancak Adudüddin Îcî’ye göre, Âmidî tam da bunun aksini mümkün görmüştür. Makale, Âmidî’nin bu ilkeyi koruduğunun gösterilmesi halinde, böyle bir görüşle itham edilemeyeceğini savunur. Bununla birlikte, Îcî’nin isnadına dayanak olabilecek bir başka noktaya işaret edilmektedir. Âmidî, âlemin yaratılmadan önceki yokluğunun ezelî bir maksûd olup olmadığı sorusunu gündeme getirmektedir. Bu çalışma, bu meselenin gündeme getirildiği pasaja dair bir yorum sunarak, Îcî’nin hatalı bir isnatta bulunduğuna dair gerekçeler sunmaktadır. Ayrıca makale, bu hatalı isnadın müteahhir dönem kelâm-felsefe ilişkisi bağlamındaki serencamını takip etmektedir. Burada temsil gücü yüksek müteahhir dönem kelâm eserlerinden verilen örneklerde, Âmidî’ye isnadın temelde Îcî’nin Kitābü’l-Mevāḳıf adlı eserindeki ifadelerinin aktarılması ve yorumlanmasından ibaret olduğu görülebilir. Bu çalışmada, Cürcânî’nin, Âmidî’nin pseudo-görüşünü destekleyen kişilerin bulunduğuna işaret ederken, aslında ön plana çıkması gereken kişinin Âmidî değil, muhtâr ve mûcibi uzlaştıran Nasîrüddin Tûsî olması gerektiği iddia edilmektedir. Tûsî, İbn Sînâ’nın bazı ifadelerinden esinlenip mūcib bi’z-zāt kavramını genişleterek, Zorunlu Varlık’ın “dilemeseydi, yapmazdı” anlamında muhtâr olduğunu ama dilemediği bir durumun gerçekleşmediği için eserinin kadîm olduğunu savunmuştur. Bu uzlaştırıcı yaklaşıma, İbn Kemâlpaşa gibi düşünürler tarafından mûcib nazariyesine dinî meşruiyet kazandırmak suretiyle atıfta bulunulmuştur. Pseudo-Âmidî ve Tûsî’nin uzlaştırıcı müdahalelerinin bir izdüşümü de Molla Câmî’nin ed-Durretü’l-fâḫire’sinde nazarî tasavvufun yaratma teorisi olarak formüle edilmesidir. Molla Câmî, sûfîlerin Pseudo-Âmidî’ye dayanarak muhtâr olup da eseri kadîm olan bir yaratma nazariyesini benimsediklerini iddia eder. (shrink)

The purpose of this article is to discuss Safavid period Islamic philosopher Sadraddin Shirazi’s philosophical methodology and the sources of the school founded by him. The article relies on research conducted on Shirazi philosophy. It shows that Shirazi through synthesizing the methods of the earlier schools that existed in Islam to acquire knowledge devised a new mechanism for acquiring knowledge. Before coming to Shirazi, intellectual movements formed during Islam’s classical period, such as peripateticism, illuminationism, theology and Gnosticism, were of different (...) views regarding the best way to reach the truth. For example, for peripatetics reason, for theologians revelation, for gnostics/mystics intuition or personal experience were important, but ishraqi school was somewhere between peripatetic and Gnostic schools. Sadraddin Shirazi, though, considered all these agents necessary, for they complement each other, and said they should be utilized altogether to obtain ultimate reality. Similarly, considering his philosophical sources, we see that he is influenced almost by all philosophical schools as well as religious sources. However, Ibn Sina and Ibn Arabi’s influence on him was more profound compared to other philosophers. (shrink)

Let $\Omega:= \aleph_1$ . For any $\alpha \Omega:\xi = \omega^\xi\}$ let EΩ (α) be the finite set of ε-numbers below Ω which are needed for the unique representation of α in Cantor-normal form using 0, Ω, +, and ω. Let $\alpha^\ast:= \max (E_\Omega(\alpha) \cup \{0\})$ . A function f: εΩ + 1 → Ω is called essentially increasing, if for any $\alpha < \varepsilon_{\Omega + 1}; f(\alpha) \geq \alpha^\ast: f$ is called essentially monotonic, if for any $\alpha,\beta < \varepsilon_{\Omega + (...) 1}$; $\alpha \leq \beta \wedge \alpha^\ast \leq \beta^\ast \Rightarrow f(\alpha) \leq f(\beta).$ Let Clf(0) be the least set of ordinals which contains 0 as an element and which satisfies the following two conditions: (a) $\alpha,\beta \epsilon \mathrm{Cl}_f(0) \Rightarrow \omega^\alpha + \beta \epsilon \mathrm{Cl}_f(0)$ , (b) $E_\Omega\alpha \subseteq \mathrm{Cl}_f(0) \Rightarrow f(\alpha) \epsilon \mathrm{Cl}_f(0)$ . Let ϑεΩ + 1 be the Howard-Bachmann ordinal, which is, for example, defined in [3]. The following theorem is shown: If f:εΩ + 1 → Ω is essentially monotonic and essentially increasing, then the order type of Clf(0) is less than or equal to ϑεΩ + 1. (shrink)

For f: On → On let supp: = ξ: 0, and let S := {f : On → On : supp finite}. For f,g ϵ S definef ≤ g : ↔ [h one-to-one ⁁ f ≤ g)].A function ψ : S → On is called monotonic increasing, if f≤ψ and if f ≤ g implies ψ ≤ ψ. For a mapping ψ : S → On let Clψ be the least set T of ordinals which contains 0 as an element (...) and which is closed under the following rule: If f ϵ S, range ⊆ T and supp ⊆ T, then ψ ϵ T. Let φ be the enumeration function of the class {ξ: [ξ = ωn]}. Let φ be the induced Schütte-Klammerterm-function which generates the Schütte-Veblen-hierarchy of ordinals. Then φ is monotonic increasing. We show: If ψ: S → On is monotonic increasing, then otyp) ≤ min {ξ : ξ = Φ, where 1ξ = 1 if α = ξ and 1ξ = 0 if α ↔ = 0 if α ≠ ξ. For τ an ordinal let Sτ := {f ϵ S : supp ⊆ τ}. A function ψ : Sτ → On is called τ-monotonic increasing if fξ and if f ≤ g implies ψ ≤ . For a function ψ Sτ → On let Clψ ↔ τ be the least set T of ordinals, which contains 0 as an element, such that if f ϵ Sτ and range ϵ T, then ψ ϵ T. We show: if ≥2 and if ψ Sτ → On is τ-monotonic increasing, then otyp ↔ τ) ≤. We also prove a generalization of this theorem in terms of well-partial orderings. MSC: 03F15, 03E10, 06A06. (shrink)

Bu çalı ş mada Nuh b. Mustafa el-Konevi’nin “fethu'l-celil alâ abdihi'z-zelîl fî beyâni mâ verede fi'l-istihlâf fi'l-cümü'ati mine'l-ekâvil ” adlı risalesinin tahkikli çalı ş ması yapıldı. Büyük bir alim ve fakih olan müellifimiz zamanın Konya müftüsüdür. Mısır’a tabli ğ ve ilmi faaliyetlerini gerçekleçtirmek için hicret ettikten sonra orada vefat etmi ş tir. İ lmi alanlarda bir çok gayreti vardır. Özellikle fıkıh ve fıkıh usulü sahasında önemli eserlere imza atmı ş tır. Söz konusu bu risale, süleymaniye kütüphanesine ba ğ lı veliyüddin (...) Efendi kütüphanesinden elde edilen iki el yazması esas alınarak tahkik edilmi ş tir. “Fethu'l-celil alâ abdihi'z-zelîl fî beyâni mâ verede fi'l-istihlâf fi'l-cümü'ati mine'l-ekâvil” adlı risalesi Cuma günü hutbe okumak için birinin imam tarafından tayin edilme konusunu ele alır. Nitekim son dönem hanefi fakihlerinden İ bn Kemal Pa ş a, Molla Hüsrev, Hasen e ş - Ş ürünbülâlî gibi di ğ er bir ço ğ u bu konuda eser kaleme almı ş tır. Bu sahada telif edenlerden birisi de müellifimiz Nuh b. Mustafa el-Konevi’dir. Bu çalı ş masında, konu gere ğ i alimlerin görü ş lerini zikreder, kendisi ile ihtilafa dü ş en görü ş ü ilmi bir üslupla tartı ş arak analiz ettikten sonra tercih etti ğ i görü ş ü ortaya koyar. Sonuç olarak, hutbe ve namaz için ister özür olsun ister olmasın imamın cemaatten birini tayin etmesi meselesine cevaz verir. (shrink)

This article examines the influence of the Hanafī philosophy of the Mamlūk period on the early Ottoman fiqh studies. Since the Egyptian and Damascus regions, which were under the rule of the Mamlūks, became the most important centres of knowledge in the Islamic world, it is understood that the Mamlūks’ scientific knowledge was superior to the Ottomans. On this occasion, many scholars who were considered the leading figures of the Ottoman scientific community turned to Egypt and Damascus regions and benefited (...) from the scientific accumulation there. In fact, these scholars who played an active role in the formation of the Ottoman scientific environment completed their education in Damascus and Egypt under the rule of the Mamlūks and graduated from the Mamlūk education system and assumed important roles in the formation of the Ottoman science understanding. During this period, the Hanafī judges (fuqahāʾ), who were active in the Mamlūk community, contributed to the development of the leading names of the Ottoman scientific community and this thought had an impact on their understanding of science. In this context, it is possible to say that the fiqh studies of the Ottomans in the first period were influenced by the Mamlūk Hanafī who had their characteristics. The two main characteristics of Hanafī thought in the Mamlūk period, the hadīth-centred juristic (fiqh) idea and the method of mamzûc (mixed) fiqh style are also seen in Ottoman fiqh works.Summary: In this article, the effect of Hanafī fiqh thought on the early Ottoman fiqh studies in Mamlūk period is discussed. While the Ottomans did not yet establish a scientific tradition in the period of foundation and ascension, many Mamlūk cities replaced Baghdad as the centre of knowledge of the Islamic world. Because the Mongol invasion, the crusades and the destruction of Andalusia due to reasons such as many scholars displaced by the Mamlūks settled there. Especially during this period, Egypt and Damascus, which were under the rule of the Mamlūks, became the most important centres of science in the Islamic world. In this respect, 14th-16th It is accepted that the science level of the Mamlūks was quite superior to the Ottomans in the 16th century. On this occasion, many scholars who are considered as the leading names of the Ottoman scientific community turned to Egypt and Damascus regions and benefited from the scientific accumulation there. Osman Ghāzī’s teacher and father-in-law, Sheikh Edebālī, Davud-i Kayserī, Sheikh Bedreddin, Molla Fanārī, Molla Gürānī are some of these scholars. In addition to these, scholars such as Muhsin-i Kayserī, Germiyanlı Poet Ahmedī, Hacı Paşa, Celāleddin Hızır, İbnü’l-Cezerī and İbn Arabşāh have also studied science in Egypt and Damascus. These scholars, who played an active role in the formation of the Ottoman scientific environment, completed their education in Damascus and Egypt under the rule of the Mamlūk and after graduating from the Mamlūk education system, they played an important role in the formation of the Ottoman science understanding. Sheikh Edebālī was accepted as one of the scientific and spiritual leaders of the Ottoman Empire. Davud-ı Kayserī was the first chief professor of İznik madrasah, the first Ottoman madrasah. Molla Fanārī had the privilege of being the first Ottoman shaykh al-Islām. Molla Gürānī became the teacher of Fatih Sultan Mehmed. During this period, the Hanafi faculties, which were active in the Mamlūk science community, contributed to the growth of the leading names in the Ottoman science community. Molla Fanārī, Seyyid Şerif Cürcānī, Shaykh Bedreddin and Poet Ahmadī have learned lessons from Bābertī, who important Hanafī scholars in Egypt. The idea of Hanafī fiqh in the Mamlūk period influenced the studies of the Ottoman fiqh in the first period. In this context, Molla Khüsrev refers to Zeyla‛ī and Bābertī, the leading Hanafī scholars of Mamlūk in many parts of his work, although he did not go to the regions dominated by the Mamlūks. The two main characteristics of the Hanafī thought in the Mamlūk period were the hadith-centred fiqh thought and mamzûc (mixed) method of fiqh. In the Mamlūk period, hadith studies which were not seen before in Hanafī sect were done. During this period, Hanafī jurists spent time in the field of hadith such as Ibn Balabān, Ibn Turkmānī, Zeylaʻī, Kuraşī, Mogoltay b. Kılıç, Bedruddīn Aynī, Ibn Kutluboğa, Serūcī, Bābertī, İbnü’l-Humām, İbnü’l-‛Adīm. They tried to eliminate the lack of studies in the field of hadith in the Hanafī circles while their studies certainly require hadith expertise. As a result of the works of these jurists in the field of hadith, the basic sources were frequently included in the fiqh studies in the Mamlūk period and, the hadiths were started to be made. The influence of this understanding, which had an important place in the thought of the fiqh of Hanafī during the Mamlūk period, can be seen in the Ottoman fiqh works in the first period. In this context, Molla Khüsrev, in his work with the influence of the early Ottoman jurists who had been educated in Egypt before him, gave some basic sources of hadith and sometimes gave information about the reliability of hadiths. On the other hand, it is possible to say that this issue is quite insufficient in Ottoman fiqh works when compared with Hanafi jurists of the Mamlūks. A comparison of Ibnü’l-Humām’s Fethü’l-kadīr and Netāicu’l-efkār, which was performed by Kādızāde order to complete it, can be compared. Apart from that, there are different attitudes between Şürünbülālī and Şeykhi-zāde known as Damad Efendi, they lived in the same period. Şürünbülālī, one of the Egyptian scholars of the Ottoman period generally gave the hadiths from the basic hadith sources in his work Merāki’l-felāh, while Şeyhīzāde did not obey this issue and rarely included basic hadith sources in his work Mecma‛ü’l-enhur. These differences can be explained by the necessity of the scientific environment. Because the Hanafīs were accused of not using hadith in Egypt and its environs, the Hanafī jurists living in this region should have directed them to be more rigorous about the hadith. However, since the Hanafī jurists living in other Ottoman regions did not have such a problem, they probably did not feel the need to refer to the main sources of hadith in the power of hadiths. Therefore, it can be said that the scientific environment and the need arising in this direction lead to different attitudes of the jurists living in the same period. The mamzûc (mixed) method starting with Ibnu’s-Sāātī, In the 8th-century, it was especially effective on the idea of ​​the fiqh style of Hanafī jurists. Although the first name of the mamzûc (mixed) method, Ibnu’s-Sāātī, was not one of the scholars of the Mamlūk period, the influence he initiated was more common in the Mamlūk period and became one of the characteristic features of the Hanafī fiqh thought in this period. Therefore, it is understood that the majority of Hanafī jurists had a gratified method. In addition to this, it is seen that Ottoman jurists who were educated in and around Egypt write procedural works in grammatical style. Molla Fanārī's work Fusūlü’l-Bedāyi is the most important example of this genre. Moreover, even Molla Khüsrev, who had not gone to Egypt and his surroundings, wrote a memoir-like work called Mir’ātü’l-Usûl. The works of these two authors show that the Ottoman jurists were influenced by the Mamlūks. As a result, it is possible to say that the fiqh studies in the early period of the Ottomans were influenced by the Mamlūk Hanafīs who had their characteristics. The hadith-centred fiqh thought and mamzûc (mixed) fiqh style understanding had an impact on the early Ottoman fiqh studies. (shrink)

In this paper we shall first show that for every weak DeMorgan algebra $L$ of order $n$ , there is a quotient weak DeMorgan algebra $L{\sim}$ which is embeddable in the finite WDM-$n$ algebra $\Omega $. We then demonstrate that the finite WDM-$n$ algebra $\Omega $ is functionally free for the class $CL$ of WDM-$n$ algebras. That is, we show that any formulas $f$ and $g$ are identically equal in each algebra in $CL$ if and only if they are identically (...) equal in $\Omega $. Finally we establish that there is no weak DeMorgan algebra whose quotient algebra by a maximal filter has exactly seven elements. (shrink)

The purpose of this paper is to propose a new design for the presentation of the periodic system of the elements. It is a system that highlights the fundamental importance of elements as basic substances rather than elements as simple substances. Furthermore the fundamental nature of atomic number triads of elements is put to use in obtaining a new perfect triad by relocating hydrogen among the halogens to give the triad H, F, Cl. An unexpected regularity in the period lengths (...) of successive rows is obtained on rearranging the table to start with the halogens on the left-hand side. The relative virtues of this table, as compared with the medium-long form and the left-step table, are discussed. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:THE UNITY OF THE VICES JONATHAN JACOBS Oolgate University, Hamilton, New York JOHN ZEIS Oanisius Ooilege, Buffalo, New York W:E SOMETIMES describe someone 1rus "just plain,, ' ' • • 0 " ' ' • • mean, or Just plam d1shonesit, orr JUSt pJam unw." Or we say" thaJt wrus ·a just plain ·stupid thing rto do.," G~a:liizing from tlhese and lik!e descriiptions, we can ask, are there any (...) "just plain" vices? By this I mean, are :amy vices pure, 1e.g., can rthere he Cl'lllelty hut nort injustice or in!t:Jempertance, intemperance hut no!t a £ailill'e orf pmctical wisdom, cowardice but not intemperance or injustice, and so on? Is therie perhaps a unity of the vices? Is each ;a col'l'IU!ption thrat involves the coITUpiting ctontriburtion of the othe'l'IS? If there is,a, run:iity of the vicies, then 1be:inig ra vicious individual is Il!Ort siinply 1a ma!bter o:f failing :across the dimensioill of one or rrunothe.r 1 Cihaa:iae1becisltic. ]t ms tan extensi,ve diaiilure, 1a unified (:if l[JIOrt toit.al) failure, even if it is most evident 1and preVialent in one or another •specific respecit. 'f1his iis not to isay thrut.theiie is just one vice,.any moil'!e 1than '!Jo.endorse the unity of it.he virtues is to reduce tth:em to Ollle. There.are many woes OOlld many virrbues, eaiCh respeotively h!ruving to do with dillemnt 1and variously!l'le1aibed crupacirties, motives, emotions, and tiiaiits. Yet, rut least with respect to the virtues a good caise can be mrude :that they.are unified, aind thrut ·AnisbotLe was oorrreot in concluding that practical wisdom :and viWtues of cha;riacter mum occur st quite 1 s1tably, even if '1llolt happily. In any case, we ail"e in 1 to:tal ag.rteemelllt with Geach when he 1sayis 1that ithaJt "If 1a man's ha1bit of sound moml judgme1J11t is virtiiafod anyiwhere, then :it is at risk eVierywhere; but not all dangel"s issue in disa1sit1e'f!s." 3 But 1thes1e dis1as!ters arie aV1eTted r.not because of,any moml str1ength of characil:er 1 th:ait the agent 1truly ihas bUJt heca:us1 e of a me11e inc1ilJJaition tues. 'Ilhe former may he very :firm ox srtable. Mo11eover the n:aituil'ally vi11tuous rindividual may giener1a1ly no1t he oornfused or.impeded maction by "b.ar:d easies" or nnvelty. Alt times he rmay, 1and lthien me may find his re1sourroes iinoompe1be!I1t O'I.' unoel 'l:Ja1in in 1bhreir direetives. Hut the main rpo:inlt of co111iCT'last is thait mo11al virtues 11eflieot 1a 1evel of 1agency wh1oh involves undersitanding 1and self-determin1ation engiaged 1 to t:hat undersltanding, 1a 1leviel tihJait tis 1ruhsen1t foom iinc1ination-grounded action. Na,tu11a1l vri:r1tues 1a1rie ll101t to he despised, 1 and 1aclts :thait fLorw 1f110m 1tJhem 1are not w:iithout moml Wiortlh. But, using the fangiuiage of Fr1a:nk£u:rt, mom1l virtues are oha1racter]s,tios thait refiecrt second order volitions.5 The aiotis: thait flow fil1om them •are not H11e reis:ult of ways one just hrupens to be. And the undeil'-,starnding involvred in moml vrntues makes mo'ral misdireotion 1 1es;s li1"ely. Again, mnswder suoh t.lrings rus mis1applied oomprussfon, or paiti:errce, whioh can involve u1mairness 1and imprudence. P1 errharpis it.is heoausie rbhe mo:rial V1mtueis rare unified that it is 1so hard to rbe 1good. They invo1vie a complex reperrto:We of judgmenits, d1sposi!tiorrs, and moti¥es. No one of them can he oomp1ete on its own, and wie c1an't oome to have 1 tJhem simply 1hy decis1on. One oan til.'y rbo he move coumgeous bU1t caill't ibring it rubout meriely hy init1emal eommanid. Self-imposrutiion in5 In " Freedom of the Will and 'The Concept of a Person," H. Frankfurt writes, "Someone has a desire of the second order when he wants simply to have a certain desire or when he wants a certain desire to be his will. In situations of the latter kind, I shall call his second-order desires "secondorder volitions" or " volitions of the second order." Now it is having... (shrink)

Dervish lodges and cults were among the important elements of the Ottoman social life and in those times, they had spread to nearly all city centers, towns and villages. Dervish lodges served as non-formal educational institutions for people from all ages and all segments of the society. In addition to education, these structures also played important roles in political, economic, social and military life of the Ottoman Empire. In general, wise people and scholars contributed to the development and dissemination of (...) Islamic sciences in general, and specifically, mystic thought. As a matter of fact, it was determined that there were a great number of Dervish lodges that were founded or supported by shaykh al-Islam (the chief justice), kādī (judge), scholars and mudarrisīn (teachers) in the history of sufism. One of them was Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge, which was founded in the 16th Century by Mehmed Vusuli Efendi, who belonged to the Ilmiya class (d. 998/1590). Until today no detailed studies have been conducted on lodges, which continued their existence until 1925. For this reason, this article will be the first study that deals with the dervish lodges in the light of archive sources. In this article, which was written to shed light on the course of our sufi cultural history, the prominent names, shaykhs and physical status of the Dervish lodges, especially Mehmed Vusuli Efendi, who was the founder of these lodges, will be dealt with.Summary: Our country, which hosts scientific moral centers like dervish lodges, school, madrasa and masjids, has a rich historical cultural treasure. As it is already known, the above-mentioned institutions had an important place in the life of Ottoman social life. Dervish lodges and madrassas were considered as science and wisdom centers because there is no distinction between zāhir (exterior) and bātin (interior) in our tradition. Under then-present conditions, the institutions that were needed most were supported. In this sense, the sultans and scholars cared about the dervish lodges, which were the places where sciences were studied contributing to the construction of these structures. One of these was Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge, which was founded in the center of Eyupsultan by the Ottoman man of letter, poet and scholar, Mehmed Vusuli Efendi (d. 998/1590).Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge is located in the Debbaghane/Tabakhane (Tannery) district in the center of Eyupsultan. As Suleyman Çelebi stated, “the valiant ones worked in the Tannery”. For this reason, it is possible to say that there were tanners among the disciples and followers of Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge.Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge was built by Mehmed Vusuli Efendi, who belonged to the scholar class in the Ottoman Empire. Mehmed Vusuli Efendi, who served as a professor in various madrasahs, served as a kādī in cities like Konya, Kutahya and Istanbul. Mehmed Vusuli Efendi was called “Mullah” because of his madrasah origin and “Çelebi” because of being a member of the scholar class. For this reason, dervish lodge in question was known as Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge in his honor. Sources mention the religious, knowledgeable and modest personality of Mehmed Vusuli Efendi. In this sense, the establishment of a dervish lodge by someone from the scholar class is important in terms of being a sign of the togetherness of dervish lodges and madrasahs in the Ottoman Empire. In addition to his scientific personality, Mehmed Vusuli Efendi was also an important figure who wrote works both as prose and as poetry, and made some translations into Turkish. In addition to the Dervish Lodges mentioned here, Mehmed Vusuli Efendi also established mosques and public baths in various places in Istanbul and was interested in charity works. Cemaleddin Server Revnakoglu stated that he was given the nickname “FındıklıÇelebi” because he had established a mosque in Fındıklı District.Mehmed Vusuli Efendi was the son-in-law of Aise Hubbi Hatun (d. 997/1589), who was one of the lady poets of the 16th century divan literature. Aise Hubbi Hatun was the granddaughter of Kanuni Sultan Suleyman’s foster brother Yahya Efendi from Beşiktaş. Aise Hubbi Hatun was also the wife of Semsi Çelebi, who was one of the grandchildren of Aksemseddin. In this sense, Aise Hubbi Hatun was a person who served in the palace during the reign of Selim II. According to the sources, Mullah Çelebi was appointed to a post that was as high as being the kādī of Istanbul with the help of Aise Hubbi Hatun, who was one of the prominent figures of the palace. For this reason, Mehmed Vusuli Efendi was also known as “Hubba/Hubbi Mullah”.In the present study of ours on Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge, one of the most prominent lady poets was Serife Zubeyde Fitnat Hanım (d. 1194/1780). In the sources, some authors discussed whether Fitnat Hanım’s tomb was in Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge. Since there is no inscription on it, the tomb of Mehmed Vusuli Efendi was assumed to belong to Fitnat Hanım. Actually, in the past, Istanbul Tombs and Museums Directorate hung a plate saying that the tomb in question belonged to Fitnat Hanim. However, Bilgin Turnalı revealed that the tomb of Fitnat Hanım was not in the Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge in his article with the title “The Tomb of the Poet Fitnat Hanım”.The archive sources, which we can examine on Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge, generally belong to the 18th century and onwards. For this reason, the information on the establishment years of the Dervish Lodge was not determined fully. However, some of the archive sources reported some revenues of Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge. For example, it was recorded in the archives that payments were made to this Dervish Lodge in Muharramiya activities. As it is known, ceremonies were held in the Ottoman Palace in the month of Muharram, which was the initial month of the Hijri calendar, and a number of people and institutions in Istanbul and its surroundings were paid by the Sultan under the name of “Muharramiyya”.In Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge, there were some prominent shaykhs like Mahmud Efendi and Nureddin Efendi. For example, since Mahmud Efendi had a lot of influence on the lodge, it was named after him for a period of time. Another prominent shaykh in the above-mentioned dervish lodge was Nureddin Efendi. As a matter of fact, he was closely interested in the maintenance and repair works of the dervish lodge and the activities related to the cults, and applied to Evkāf-i Humāyūn many times for repair works. Mehmed Esref Sabri Efendi, who was the shaykh before the last one in this dervish lodge, contributed to the training of many people of cult, especially Saadeddin Ceylan, who was the shaykh of Haki Baba Lodge. The last shaykh of Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge was Hafiz Hussein Kamil Efendi, who was the son-in-law of Mehmed Esref Sabri Efendi.When the physical condition of Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge is examined, it is understood that it was ruined in some periods in the history due to erosion; and for this reason, it had renovations. It was determined that Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge, which belonged to the Kadiriyye cult, remained until the last period of the Ottoman Empire; however, after the closure of the dervish lodges in 1925, it disappeared rapidly. In our present day, two tombs that belong to Mehmed Vusuli Efendi and Aise Hubbi Hatun and a graveyard where the members of the lodge were buried are left behind from this Dervish Lodge. As it is known, Dervish Lodges had an important place in the religious, scientific, political and economic life of the Ottoman society. In this article, which was planned to examine the Ottoman sufi culture, the historical course of Mullah Çelebi Dervish Lodge, its founder, shaykhs, physical location, etc. were discussed in the light of the archive sources. (shrink)

This is a book about the philosophy of Henri Bergson which shows how relevant Bergson is to much contemporary philosophy. The book takes as its point of departure Bergson's insistence on precision in philosophy. It then discusses a variety of topics including laughter, the nature of time as experienced, how intelligence and language should be construed as a pragmatic product of evolution, and the antinomies of reason represented by magic and religion. This is not just another exposition of Bergson's work. (...) It offers an account of why Bergson commanded such a massive reading public in his own day and why he deserves to be read now. Written in a terse and clear style, this book will prove appealing to teachers and students of philosophy, cognitive science, psychology, religious studies and literature. (shrink)

La cuestión de si los lenguajes intensionalesson más expresivos que los lenguajes nointensionalessurge en el marco de unaperspect i va semánt i ca de l as t eorí as.Desde esta perspectiva, la cuestión esesta. ¿Hay clases modelo que se puedencaracterizar mediante teorías que usanconceptos intensionales que no se puedencaracterizar mediante teorías que no usanconceptos intensionales? Se sugiere unaformulación precisa de esta cuestión, perono se ofrece una respuesta.Para aproxi marse a est a cuest i ón, seresume la teoría de modelos de (...) primerorden [II] y se revisa el enfoque semánticode las teorías que emplea incrementost eóri cos, no i nt ensi onal es, de pri merorden [III].Los i nc r e me nt os t e ór i c os de pr i me rorden se bosquejan pero no se definenr i g u r o s a me n t e [ I V] . E s t e l e n g u a j ei n t e n s i o n a l pr o po r c i o n a e l a p a r a t op a r a a t r i b u i r u s o d e l l e n g u a j e yact i t udes i nt ens i onal es a i ndi vi duoscuyo comportami ento es el obj eto deinvestigación. También proporciona elaparato para habl ar sobre traducci óndel lenguaj e atribuido al lenguaj e delinvestigador.La cuestión inicial se convierte entoncesen si hay clases modelo que se puedanc a r a c t e r i z a r me d i a n t e i n c r e me n t o sintencionales de lógica de primer ordenq ue n o pue de n s e r c a pt ur a do s po rincrementos teóricos no-intensionales [V].The ques t i on of whet her i nt ens i onallanguages are more expressive than nonintensional languages is raised within the framework of a semantic view of theories. Fromthis perspective, the question isthis. Are there model classes that can becharacterized by theories using intensionalconcepts that cannot be characterizedby theories that do not use intensionalconcepts? A precise formulation of thisquestion is suggested, but no answer isgiven.To approach this question, model theory offirst order theories is summarized [II] andthe semantic approach to theories usingnon-intensional, theoretical augmentationsof first order theories is reviewed [III].I n t e n s i o n a l a u g me n t a t i o n s o f f i r s torder theories are sketched [IV] but notr i gor ous l y de f i ne d. Thi s i nt e ns i onall anguage provi des t he apparat us f orattributing language use and intensionalattitudes to individuals whose behavioris the object investigation. It also providesapparatus for talking about translationf r om t he at t r i but e d l anguage t o t heinvestigator’s language.T h e i n i t i a l q u e s t i o n t h e n b e c o me swhet her t here are model cl asses t hatc a n be c ha r a c t e r i z e d by i nt e ns i ona laugmentations of first order logic thatcannot be captured by non-intensionaltheoretical augmentations [V]. (shrink)